Space Access Update #132 5/6/13

Space Access Update #132  5/30/13
Copyright 2013 by Space Access Society
________________________________________________________________________

 

In this Issue:

 

 The Sequester

 

 NASA Budget Status

 

         Fixing
The Problem

 

 Commercial Crew, The Budget, and The FARs

 

 Space Access ’13 Wrapup

 

________________________________________________________________________

 

The Sequester

 

Search on “The
Sequester” at this point and you’ll get over 2.5 million hits, but it’s
surprisingly hard to find an explanation of the actual mechanics.  Briefly, it is a set of mandatory
across-the-board post-2012 budget cuts, passed by Congress and signed into law
by the White House in fall 2011.  It was
intended to serve as a political doomsday device that would force resolution of
the political impasse over how to deal with continuing high Federal deficits.

 

As best we can tell, the
Sequester failed to force an agreement when the side favoring spending cuts
belatedly realized that letting it happen would give them, well, spending cuts,
even if in many cases not the ones they would have preferred.  After a two-month postponement from its
original start date, the Sequester went into effect this March 1st.

 

The Sequester law sets mandatory
overall ten-year deficit-reduction amounts for both Defense and
“non-Defense discretionary” programs (IE non-DOD non-entitlement
programs like NASA.)  The actual reductions
come in the first two years, ~5% cuts on overall non-defense discretionary for
FY’13 (the federal fiscal year that ends this coming September 30th) plus an
additional ~4% cuts in FY’14.   Overall
budgets will then stay flat (with a ~2% inflation allowance) for the following
eight years.

 

The law specifies that White House
OMB must apply the cuts equally down to the budget account level, but need not
apply them equally to each type of budgetary resource within a budget
account.  This gives the White House some
limited control over the details of the cuts. 
Congress of course retains control over each year’s nominal budget
amounts that the cuts are based on.  The
potential resulting tug-of-war makes it extremely hard to say ahead of time
what this means for any individual program.

 

One immediate result is that
we’re now seeing a government-wide case of “Washington Monument
Syndrome” (legendarily, what the Parks Service threatens to close first if
its funding is cut).  Many of the agencies
and departments and programs affected are now loudly proclaiming that the
Sequester will force drastic cutbacks in whatever they do they hope the public
cares about.

 

There are limits to this
tactic, however – when FAA furloughs of air traffic controllers started
actually backing up air traffic, the Congress quickly passed a law saying in
essence “cut something else”, and the White House quickly signed
it.  The way to bet though is that we
won’t see such bipartisanship on most lesser program disruptions, but rather
bitter political clashes – sometimes crosswise to traditional party lines,
depending on the interests involved.

 

We don’t see much chance of
the Sequester being repealed or replaced this year or next.  Between its cuts, the tax increases enacted at
the start of this year, and a slowly improving economy, projected deficits are
down considerably from the record levels of the past few years, but are still
far too high for budget loosening to be a good bet anytime soon.  We expect that it’s going to be an
interesting next couple of years as the non-Defense non-entitlement parts of
the Federal government forcibly get ~9% smaller.

 

________________________________________________________________________

 

NASA Budget
Status

 

So, the Sequester is in
effect, and NASA is not exempt.  White
House OMB and NASA have some limited discretion in how they allocate the cuts
within NASA, but cuts are  happening
already to this year’s funding, and there will be more in the year to
come.  And of course Congress will decide
the baseline FY 2014 (starts October 1st) budget that those second-round cuts
will be made from, and thus will have considerable say on individual account
levels.  But Congress is very unlikely to
make up much (if any) of the overall NASA cuts, since they have a host of other
budget items also facing cuts.

 

NASA’s annual budget jumped
from $15.9 billion in 2007 to $17.3 billion in the first stimulus year of 2008,
climbed steadily from there to a peak of $18.7 billion in 2010, and has dropped
since – $18.4 billion in 2011 and $17.8 billion in 2012.   NASA’s current-year budget (FY’13) is
nominally $17.9 billion, but as of March 1st the Sequester cut that to $16.8
billion.  The White House FY’14 NASA
request is $17.7 billion, but the Sequester will cut whatever final budget
Congress sets by ~9%.  That’s $16.2
billion, if Congress leaves NASA’s nominal total at  $17.7 billion.

 

The overall balance between
NASA programs within this year’s budget (FY’13 finally passed earlier this
spring, and ends this September 30th) stayed largely unaltered.  (All figures are pre-Sequester unless stated
otherwise.)   Commercial Crew got a
significant increase to $525M, from 
$406M in FY’12 (but still far short of the $830M FY’13 NASA
request.)  Space Technology also got a
respectable increase, from $575M in FY’12 to $642M.  The Orion multi-purpose crew vehicle (MPCV)
stayed steady at around $1.2 billion, and the Space Launch System (SLS) heavy
booster also stayed steady, at something close to $1.9 billion once you add in
the various related ground equipment and construction projects.  Most of NASA’s other major budget items also
stayed close to their FY’12 levels – at least before the ~5% FY’13 Sequester
cuts are applied.

 

One notable exception to
roughly level FY’13 funding was Planetary Exploration, $1.5 billion in
FY’12.  The White House cut it back to
$1.2 billion in their FY’13 request, Congress bumped that back up to $1.4
billion in their final funding bill, and the White House and NASA then used the
reprogramming wiggle room they have (plus the Sequester cut) to trim the final
total back to $1.2 billion.  This is a
preview of the sort of infighting we expect to see more of in the FY’14 budget
process.

 

That’s already starting.  The FY’14 budget process got underway recently
with delivery of the White House budget proposal to Congress.   The White House proposal’s nominal NASA
total is down slightly at $17.7 billion (again, ignoring the ~9% FY’14
Sequester cuts.)  The Commercial Crew
FY’14 request is once again for a major jump, to $821M, but we have our doubts
about that happening – more on that below. 
Space Technology is up for another increase to $743M.  The Orion MPCV request is for a 15% cut, to
just over $1 billion, and the baseline Space Launch System development request
is down around 10% (although the overall SLS amount including ground equipment
and construction projects seems to have declined less than 2%, to about $1.85
billion.)

 

The relevant Congressional
committees are already making clear that they have their own NASA
priorities.  Spending more on SLS is a
particular focus, and the money will have to come from somewhere.  Commercial Crew’s $821M FY’14 request (a
large increase from this year’s nominal $525M) is near-certain to again get
scaled back considerably.

 

(See Jeff Foust’s Drawing the battle lines
for NASA’s 2014 budget
for more detail on this.)

 

NASA has a full plate of
programs, several of which are nominally due to ramp up spending considerably
over the next few years, but the agency’s overall budget is dropping ~9%.  Something has to give.  Pressure for program cuts and delays will be
ferocious, increases rarer and harder to defend, competing priorities far
harder to balance.  NASA is likely to
have a very rough next few years.

 

         Fixing
The Problem

 

Our take on solving the
majority of NASA’s Sequester troubles is simple: Cut SLS funding by two-thirds,
scale the program back to a heavy-lift technology effort, and thus allow the
rest of NASA to get on with their useful missions with only mild cuts.

 

SLS is a jobs program,
nothing more.  Current levels of SLS
funding go largely to keeping various Congressionally-protected Shuttle program
remnants alive beyond their time; very little is left to build and operate
hardware.  It’s not clear to us that SLS
will ever fly without significant increases on its current ~$2 billion a
year.  (We, and many others, would
vigorously oppose such increases, because they would further cannibalize the
useful parts of NASA.)  NASA most likely
can’t even afford to develop and fly SLS, never mind then spend many billions
more to develop actual SLS payloads and missions.

 

Think we’re making this
up?  An independent review of SLS plans
by the consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton singled
out the project’s cost projections as unjustifiably optimistic:  Finding:
There are many instances of unjustified cost reductions in the Program
estimates. This exposes the Programs to cost risk and undermines the
credibility of the estimate. Cost reductions were generally observed in either
of two categories: scope reductions where the removed work will likely be
required, or the application of anticipated efficiencies (production,
competition, etc.) that NASA has not historically achieved.”  In other words, SLS’s
long-term budgeting contains a large element of wishful thinking.

 

Assuming it does eventually
fly, we see nothing SLS might then do in the way of deep-space exploration that
commercial boosters plus propellant depots couldn’t do sooner and cheaper.  Finally, it has recently been pointed out
that the current plan to fly SLS once every two years after 2021 (in a probably
vain attempt to stay within its likely budget) would mean the launch crews
would not get anywhere near enough practice to operate it safely.  Shuttle at four launches a year was near the
minimum.  One launch every two years
greatly increases the risk, every time SLS flies, of vital details being
forgotten.

 

Once again, we don’t expect
the regional SLS coalition in Congress to agree with us – but the time to kill
SLS is now.  Failing to do so now will
greatly increase cannibalization of other (useful) NASA programs, damaging the
agency more with every year that passes. 
At some point, the rest of Congress will realize that SLS is no longer
just Congressional horse-trading as usual, that it’s destroying NASA programs
the country both needs and cares about. 
The sooner that day comes, the sooner NASA can get back to actually exploring
space within a budget likely to remain austere for years to come.

 

________________________________________________________________________

 

 

Commercial
Crew, The Budget, and The FARs

 

For the third year in a row,
NASA is asking Congress for over $800 million for the Commercial Crew program
(CCP), the NASA-commercial partnership to competitively produce affordable new
US crew transports for Station.  For the
third year in a row, Congress is not likely to provide more than a fraction of
that amount.  And for the third year in a
row, we have no intention of fighting for full funding, despite the fact that
we very much support this program.

 

Partly this is because we
again see zero chance of Congress funding CCP at the requested level no matter
what we do.  But also, once again, we
think Congress reducing CCP funding from NASA’s request may actually do more
good than harm.

 

This requires a bit of
explanation…

 

Back in 2011, NASA was
getting ready to take CCP to its third phase, CCiCap
(Commercial Crew integrated Capability), where complete crew transportation
systems would be designed and initial demonstrations flown.  CCP up to that point had been run under a
special type of contract called “Space Act Agreements” (SAAs), designed to allow maximum flexibility for
NASA-industry cooperative projects.  The
result had been rapid progress at costs many times lower than traditional NASA
development projects run under the standard Federal Acquisition Regulations
(the FARs).

 

However, factions in Congress
and in the NASA “Human Spaceflight” (HSF) establishment wanted this
next CCiCap phase to be run under the FARs as a traditional NASA procurement.  Under pressure, in summer 2011 NASA HQ
announced plans to run CCiCap under standard FARs-based contracts. 

 

We had a few things to say
about this at the time.  From SAU #127,
July 2011, and SAU #128, September 2011:

 

“They plan to switch
over to contracts under the standard Federal Acquisition Regulations (the FARs) for the remainder of the program. The reason they
gave was that SAAs don’t give them sufficient control
over the details of the commercial crew launch projects, nor sufficient
authority to order changes in mid-project.”

 

“Our short response:
Excessive NASA bureaucratic control over project details, plus NASA’s
bureaucratic tendency to mandate mid-project changes with no consideration for
cost and schedule effects, are major parts of why big NASA projects so
consistently run years (if not decades) late and cost ten or more times the
commercial equivalents.”

 

“COTS, and CCDev till now, succeeded because their non-traditional
Space Act Agreement contracts prevented NASA from imposing their normal
procurement practices, and allowed the commercial partners to get things done
at far lower commercial cost levels.” 
“…the basic fact [is] that by their own admission NASA costs for
[even] ‘modified, streamlined’ versions of their normal procurement process are
still up to six times equivalent commercial costs.”

 

“If CCP management goes
ahead with [the switch to FARs] they will be effectively
killing the program, absent money miraculously raining from the
skies.”  “…all the arguments
over whether the results will actually be any better or safer are moot. There
will be no results, because the money isn’t there.”

 

When Congress trimmed NASA’s
$850m FY’12 CCP request to $406m, apparently our arguments gained some
force.  From SAU #129, December 2011:
“NASA has announced that in order to make the most of the limited
Commercial Crew funding in this year’s budget, the program will continue with
multiple competitive Space Act Agreements (SAAs) with
the commercial crew developers, rather than (as had been announced over the
summer) switching over to contracting under the standard Federal Acquisition
Regulations (the FARs).”

 

Now, two years later, CCiCap has also been working fine without benefit of FARs-based contracts, but NASA HQ, again under
Congressional and NASA HSF pressure, is planning to cut CCiCap
short and skip ahead to the next phase, Certification Products Contracts (CPC),
once again ditching SAAs to contract CPC under the FARs.  (The first
round of CPC contracts, $10m each to the three CCP competitors, are already in
place.)

 

(Are we the only ones feeling
a strong sense of deja vu here?)

 

CPC is where the Commercial
Crew systems will be gone over by NASA HSF in excruciating detail, in order to
be officially NASA-certified to carry NASA employees.  CPC is supposed to finish (assuming max
requested budgets and if all goes well) with initial flights to Station in
2017.  This schedule is important – NASA
just finished contracting with the Russians for a half-dozen more Soyuz seats
(at more than $70m a seat) to carry them to 2017.  If Commercial Crew is delayed further, the
next batch of Russian seats will certainly cost even more.

 

We’ve already pointed out
that “max requested budget” just isn’t going to happen – we’ll be
pleasantly surprised if Congress provides two-thirds of the request.

 

Nor do we think very much of
the solution some in Congress have been pushing, an immediate downselect from three CCP competitors to one winner.  NASA has not had a good track record picking
winners in recent decades.  (Venturestar, anyone?) 
Nor is picking a monopoly provider and eliminating competition early any
way to hold prices down over the long term. 
Picking an early winner also places all NASA’s eggs in one basket.  If the “winner” stumbles, NASA yet
again ends up with nothing for our money.

 

We also think the
micromanagement mischief the NASA HSF establishment could do under FARs-based contracts is only amplified in the CPC
certification phase.  The potential for
endless delays and cost increases as HSF insists on systems that already work
being redone their preferred way is huge. 
Even with a downselect to one vendor, it’s
entirely possible the FARs-based certification
process would end up behind schedule and over budget.  “…by their own admission NASA costs
for [even] ‘modified, streamlined’ versions of their normal procurement process
are still up to six times equivalent commercial costs.”  (The unmodified, unstreamlined
version costs ten to fifteen times more than commercial – see
SAU #128
“Impossibly high NASA system development costs are the heart of the
matter”.)

 

Speaking of NASA
certification of commercial ships to fly NASA employees – why?  Every other person who will ever fly on these
vehicles will do so under FAA AST paperwork. 
NASA does not specially certify commercial air transports to fly NASA’s
people, they buy airline tickets like everyone else, while FAA handles air
vehicle safety.  Why should commercial
space transports for routine flights of the sort we’ve been doing for fifty
years be different?  Why are NASA
astronaut transport safety requirements so different from those of commercial
pilots and passengers?  Why do NASA
astronauts require a billion dollars worth of certification paperwork before
they can follow where commercial test pilots will have already gone?  The only answer we can see is that NASA HSF
just doesn’t want to give up its traditional ultra-detailed (and
ultra-expensive) control of the spaceflight process.

 

“Safety” gets cited
as a certification benefit a lot, by NASA HSF to Congress, and by
Congresspersons to the world.  Some
legislators don’t know any better, and some stand to lose projects in their
districts if Commercial Crew is allowed to finish utterly discrediting the
traditional NASA development model (exemplified by SLS.)  But all involved should keep in mind that
NASA’s traditional safety-assurance model led to losing the crew twice in 135
missions, before they just assume that “certification” will improve
safety enough to justify the cost and delay. 
If, that is, it improves safety at all. 
Aerospace history is full of instances where well-intentioned
“improvements” killed people.

 

Everybody involved with CCP
seems to understand that the only practical option is to stick with SAAs, but nobody quite wants to come right out and say
it.  Administrator Bolden was asked
earlier this month whether SAA’s provided a
sufficient degree of oversight and insight into what the commercial crew
developers were doing.  Bolden’s reply
was that SAA’s are “good enough”.  And SpaceX pointed out recently that there
are options under CCiCap for competitors to fly their
own test crews on their vehicles, as soon as 2015 for SpaceX and 2016 for
Boeing.  That would be a major step
toward assurance that the vehicles are ready to transport NASA employees in
2017 – if it’s allowed to happen.

 

Certainly NASA HSF contains
valuable spaceflight expertise, among all the bureaucratic dysfunction.  SAAs have allowed
the CCP vendors to access this expertise, while avoiding the worst of the
bureaucracy.  Certainly NASA as the lead
customer for (and partial financer of) these services deserves deep insight
into just what it is they’re buying, and oversight of whether or not it will do
the job.  Insight into the process,
oversight of results, yes.  Traditional
NASA FARs contract
we-need-you-to-reverse-the-fixture-threads-on-that-gold-plated-kitchen-sink-we-made-you-add
micromanagement, no.

 

If it ain’t broke, don’t fix
it.  If we actually want multiple viable
US commercial space transport vendors to emerge from the Commercial Crew
program, the only sensible thing to do is continue running it under what’s
gotten it this far: Space Act Agreements.

 

________________________________________________________________________

 

 

Space Access
’13 Wrapup

 

The 2013 edition of our Space
Access Conference went well. We were once again fortunate to have a schedule
full of interesting speakers (
SA’13
conference agenda
) willing to show up and share.  Attendance was up slightly from last year –
given the economy we’re very pleased. The proportion of student and new
attendees was up also, something we’ve been working on in recent years.  We’re in this for the long haul, and the future
of this field depends on bringing in new blood and helping them get up to speed
on things.  (There was considerable deja vu involved, as that’s where we first started over
twenty years ago.)

 

The new hotel and
neighborhood (lots of nearby restaurants) got generally positive reviews.  We’ve opened discussions with that hotel
about hosting next year’s conference. 
The SA’14 dates we’re currently looking at are Thursday-Saturday, April
3-5 or April 10-12, 2014, leaning toward the latter.  If anyone is aware of major conflicts on
either of those dates or has a strong preference, drop us an email.

 

Conference coverage: As
usual, Clark Lindsey of NewSpace Watch did an amazing
job, both covering the conference in detail and rounding up pointers to other
coverage. His Space
Access’13: Summary and Resources
leaves very little out; the only things we
can think of to add are Jeff Foust’s Space Review piece Hacking
Space
, and a pointer to Twitter coverage under the hashtag
#sa13 (somewhat
confusingly, other events have used the same hashtag,
but it’s pretty clear which are which.)

________________________________________________________________________

 

Space Access Society’s sole purpose is to promote
radical reductions in the cost of reaching space.  You may redistribute
this Update in any medium you choose, as long as you do it unedited in its
entirety. You may reproduce selected portions of this Update if you credit this
Space Access Update as the source and include a pointer to our website.
________________________________________________________________________


Space Access Society

http://www.space-access.org

[email protected]
“Reach low orbit and you’re halfway to anywhere in the Solar System”

– Robert A. Heinlein

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 




Source link